Party Programme

     Party Programme Of Revolutionary Marxist Party of India

Preamble 
Programme of a Marxist-Leninist  Party, invariably, manifests its strategy or perspective tactical line for the revolutionary transformation of the Society. The Communists in India have been making consistent efforts in this direction since 1920 i. e. immediately after the formation of 3rd International, and have undergone so many sacrifices in the struggle for independence as well as, during the period thereafter, for the emancipation of Indian working class from the cruel yoke of capitalism and the remanants of pre-capitalist society. No doubt, the Communists have several glorious achievements to their credit because of these struggles, but due to a little unintentional inadvertencey in deeply analysing some vital aspects of Indian reality and also because of certain left and right deviations, committed by the movement at various stages, they could not succeed in changing the co-relation of class forces required to attempt a thorough going revolutionary transformation.
   In this background our Party, the Revolutionary Marxist Party of India, has ventured to chalk out this perspective tactical line keeping in view the new situation that has emerged after the severe setbacks suffered by the forces of socialism in USSR as well as in the East European Countries, which facilitated the imperialists to bolster their agenda of forming a unipolar world. As a result, the imperialist marauders have further tightened their grip over the destiny of mankind, and a more predatory corporate culture has gained the ground. It has not only intensified the capitalist loot and plunder all over the world, but has also provided a big push to the reactionaries of all shades and varieties. Our Party hopes that this PROGRAMME will certainly help in further intensification of the class struggle as well as struggle against social oppression in India. It will help the Party in achieving its immediate goal of People’s Democratic Revolution in the Country and will also be helpful in advancing the revolutionary movements all over the globe.

 

I. End of the colonial rule  

1.    The  British imperialists had to, willy- nilly,  leave India in 1947, under the pressure of mass upsurge against foreign rule. On the one hand, they were under the mounting pressure of heroic independence-struggle, which was emblazoned from time to time by the supreme sacrifices of Ghadarites, compatriots  of Shaheed-a-Azam Bhagat Singh, soldiers of INA led by Subash Chander Bose, rebellions of some cadres from the Indian Armed forces, glorious mutiny of the Royal Indian Navy, as well as movements of peasants, workers and progressive political parties. On the other hand, the crushing defeat of  the Hitlerite fascist forces at the hands of patriotic forces of USSR in WW-2, had sharply altered the alignment of class forces in the world arena in favour of forces  fighting for socialism and national liberation. Under the impact of these circumstancs, an under-hand settlement was reached between the British imperialists on the one side and the leaders of Congress Party and Muslim League on the other. As a result of this obnoxious agreement, our country was partitioned into Pakistan and India on purely communal lines, and the political power was transferred into the hands of leaders of Muslim League and Congress Party.
 

2.    Thus, the political rule of British colonialists ended in India on August 15,1947, and a new state headed  by the Indian big bourgeoise was established. With this the first stage of the Indian democratic revolution, the stage of general national united front, chiefly directed against foreign imperialist rule, came to an end.
 
II. Balance Sheet of  bourgeoise-landlord rule so far 

3.    The second stage of Indian revolution earnestly demanded the abolition of feudalism, nationalisation of British capital and elimination of the predatory grip of foreign and domestic monopoly capital over the national economy. But the new rulers, under the leadership of big bourgeoisie, completely betrayed these urgent tasks of the Indian revolution and, in pursuance of capitalist path of development, compromised both with the feudal and semi-feudal landlords as well as with the imperialists. Consequently a bourgeoise-landlord state and government, led by big bourgeoise was established, which had been increasingly collaborating with the foreign finance capital in pursuance of its class interests. This class character of the state has so far played a most deleterious role in the life of our country. It has misrably failed in providing any worthwhile economic relief or any noteworthy social justice to the toiling masses. During the past 70 years, this new state could neither liberate the down trodden masses from the scourge of poverty nor from the clutches of abhorrent caste-system. 
 

4. The dual character of the bourgeoisie, which manifested itself during the years of the freedom struggle, in its policy of  mobilising the people against imperialism on the one hand and compromising with it on the other, had patently manifested in a new form after achievement of the independence. It has utilised its hold over the state to further strengthen its position by attacking the people on the one hand, and on the other, to resolve the conflicts and contradictions with imperialism and feudalism by pressure, bargain and compromise. It also used the existence of the two blocks—imperialist and socialist—in the international arena, as a useful bargaining counter to strengthen its position. Such an anti-people policy framework in the economic field was further strengthened with the adoption of imperialists oriented neo-libralism. And  by now, Indian corporate sector has integrated its interests with those of the MNCs/TNCs to a great extent.
 

5. The economic planning that the government  resorted to, as a part of its effort  to build capitalism, certainly gave it a definite tempo and direction by facilitating more expedient utilisation of the resources available, but it had nothing to do with socialist planning. However, the concept of planning, in whatever shape it was, now stands completely discarded.
 

6. Bourgeois-landlord government’s budgetary and general economic policies, especially its taxation measures and price policy, were always determined primarily from the point of view of the interests of a narrow stratum of the exploiting classes. Colossal increase in indirect taxation and deficit financing which hit hard the common mass of people, remained the main source for meeting the financial costs of maintaining a huge bureaucratic, military, para-military and police machine. The government, in fact, throughout relied on the profit motive for development and refused to take any effective measure to hold the price-line. Inflation and rising prices remained a powerful instrument for increasingly depriving the people from the share of wealth created by their labour, and also for its accumulation as capital in the hands of the private capitalists, particularly in the hands of growing monopolies. Thus the enormous growth of capital on one hand and the interlocking of industrial and bank capital on the other, have been rapidly developing here since independence.
 

7. The state sector, or the public sector as it is otherwise called, can play a progressive role in an underdeveloped economy only if it is promoted along anti-imperialist, anti-monopolist, democratic lines. But Indian government, under the leadership of the big bourgeoisie has utilised this sector only for the growth of monopoly capital and has knowingly sabotaged its broader prospects. Ultimately, with the adoption of structural adjustment programme directed by the exigencies of imperialist globalisation, the process of dismemberment of the public sector accelerated further and its privatisation received a big push. Simultaneously, the govt. relaxed all the restrictions imposed, through its industrial policy resolutions, for setting up new plants for heavy as well as security senstive industries; and licences were freely granted to the corporates for investments in all the sectors. The government not only has refused to eliminate the exploitation by the already entrenched British, American and other foreign finance capital but is also offering them liberal concessions, guarantees and new opportunities for their fresh and bigger inflows. In the name of building a so-called self-generating economy and overcoming foreign exchange shortages, the Indian rulers are now inviting the monopolists of Britain, USA, West Germany, Itlay, Japan and of every other developed country to  invest their predatory capital in India and to earn huge guaranteed profits.
 

8. It also needs to be noted that these imperialists have nothing in common with our national interests. Ruthless plunder of our resources is their sole concern. They help in the growth of Indian big business and other reactionary forces in public life. They work, overtly and covertly, for undermining our economy and for distorting and slowing down its rate of growth. Being a  dangerous source of anti-national intrigues and machinations, this imperialist finance  capital is fundamentally opposed to the interests of our nation. That is why even after a substantial growth in Indian Capital, appreciable growth in GDP as well as in volume of foreign trade and spectacular development of productive forces in the I.T. sector, the most glaring fact of our economic life to-day is that the country’s economy, as a whole, is fast becoming subservient to the dictates of imperialist agencies and is catering to the predatory interests of the MNCs./TNCs. Almost all the sectors of our economy stand opened for the foreign direct investment (FDI) and for the free play of foreign financial parasites. Such an increasing penetration of foreign capital into our economy, by means of direct investment as well as through collaborations, constitute a serious danger to our country’s future and to our capacity to pursue independent politico-economic policies , internally as well as externally. It is this dismal situation that, in the absence of effective left intervention, has encouraged extreme right reaction to not only support more and more penetration of foreign finance capital in the country but also to unashamedly advocate military and strategic alliances with U.S. imperialism. Moreover, with the communal-fascist  forces coming to power at the Centre and tightening their grip over the State and Polity, more dangerous trends have emerged for our socio–political structure, as well as for the over all economic fabric of India. The acceleration imparted by this reactionary dispensation to the imperialist dictated neo-liberal set up has further sharpened the devastation of working masses on the one hand and  accumulation of more and more resources, wealth and assets in the hands of corporates on the other, which, in turn, strengthens the grip of neo-colonial sharks on our economy.
 

9. The most dangerous penetration of American capital in our country and our growing ties with it  are creating an omnious situation for the country. The imperialists are utilising these ties : to wrest more and more concessions for exploiting our natural resources such as Jal, Jangal, Zamin and minerals, for establishing collaborations with Indian big business, for imposing their dictates through WTO, IMF, World Bank and other imperialist agencies, and  for putting  pressure on political  issues. They are also penetrating in several other spheres of our national life, including social, cultural and educational spheres. They have established direct contacts with some disruptive, communal and right reactionary elements in the country. They are also corrupting our social and cultural life, as is
evidenced by the spread of decadent imperialist culture.
 

10. As the capitalist-development-model being persued by the big bourgeoise led ruling classes, have solely relied on the profit motive and that too of Indian and foreign monopolists, it has failed to harness the patriotic democratic enthusiasm of the masses. Consequently an intense desire to get rich quick has let loose on the community. Imperialist globalisation and consumerism have further whipped up this desire and has thus contributed in the emergence of increased social tensions and crime. Through blackmarketing, rampant tax evasions and other economic and financial crimes, thousands of crores of rupees have been earned and is continuing to be earned as black money by the big business. This ill-earned wealth is utilised not for productive investment, but in speculation, on real estate and urban landed   property, and also in commodity trade. Huge accumulation of unaccounted money, commonly known as black money,  is in circulation or is  in the hands of a few monopolists, bureaucrates, bourgeois politicians and gangsters. It has become the biggest source of corruption and criminalisation of politics. These socio-political maladies, to-day, are posing the biggest danger to the development of democratic polity in the country. Moreover the experience of the last seven decades patently demonstrates that in this period of the general crisis of capitalism, particularly when it has entered into an acute stage and has become more bullish and aggressive, it is futile for the underdeveloped countries to seek to develop along the capitalist path. Even the unprecedented progress in the fields of science and technology, especially in the fields of information technology, bio-technology and genetics, and the consequent huge addition in the volume of production of goods have miserably failed in mitigating this crisis of capitalism as well as the miseries of  the masses. Now it is evidently seen that   this moribund path cannot solve our basic problems related to our economic independence and also related with backwardness, poverty and unemployment; rather it is bound  to lead us towards a new bondage under a neo-colonial order. It is also  incapable of ensuring the fullest utilisation of the human and material resources of the country. It gives rise to ever growing contradictions between the working people and the ruling classes and is beset with several gross imbalances and crises. While on the one hand it imposes unbearable burdens and inflicts misery on the common people, on the other it sharpens the appetite of the big business for super profits and intensifies their greed for more and more money and mammon. Thus this capitalist path gives the people no hope of a better future and brings them into an inevitable conflict with this unjust path of development.
 

ABJECT FAILURE OF THE BOURGEOIS AGRARIAN POLICIES 

11. In no other field is the utter failure of the bourgeois landlord government’s policies so nakedly revealed as in the case of the agrarian sector. Nearly seven decades of  bourgeois rule has proved beyond any shadow of doubt that the main aim and direction of its agrarian policies has not been to smash the feudal and semi-feudal fetters on our land relations and thus liberate the peasantry from age-old bondage, but to transform the feudal landlords into capitalist landlords and to develop a stratum of rich peasants. They have cultivated these sections as the main political base of the ruling classes in the countryside. Alongwith, since the introduction of neo-liberal policies, the ruling classes are playing all legal and illegal dirty tricks to develope corporate farming and to oust  the small and  marginal peasants from this vital sector.  Let alone acquiring landlords’ land for distribution to the tillers of the soil, the government has even refused to distribute the bulk of cultivable waste lands to the agricultural labourers and poor peasants under one pretext or the other. Some influential landlords, bourgeoise politicians and bureaucrats, in different states, still occupy these lands. Wherever the poor peasants have doggedly fought for the cultivation of these waste lands, otherwise called banjars, heavy penalties were levied and collected from them year after year. In certain states peasants, especially tribals evicted from project sites and sites for industrial enterprises, have not been provided with alternate land and have been forced to swell the ranks of landless labourers. Under the impact of imperialist globalisation, even the arable lands of peasants have been acquired in all parts of the country and have been handed over to the foreign companies as well as Indian monopoly  houses in the name of industrial development.
 

12. The agricultural labourers with either no land or with small pieces of land, whose main livelihood is derived from selling their labour power, constitute the single biggest section in our rural life. Due to the adverse agrarian and other policies of the government, during the past years,  their ranks have further swelled, with millions of evicted tenants, ruined peasants and uprooted artisans joining with them as daily wagers. Despite the loud talk indulged in by the spoksmen of the Central government about legislation fixing their minimum wages and providing them other amenities, since 1948, practically nothing effective has been done to improve their living conditions and to protect them from the brutal exploitation and social oppression of  the landlords. The vast bulk of these labourers neither possess even small house-sites nor a hut to live in. Nearly nine months in the year they are either completely unemployed or under employed or have to migrate here and there for subsistence. Several reports of the government and semi-governmental agencies clearly point out that their real wages are falling, their employment days are decreasing and their indebtedness and pauperisation are growing. Yet completely cold and callous attitude has been displayed towards their most genuine demand for comprehensive labour legislation at the national level. Without a radical change in the living conditions of this nearly one fourth of the population, it is unthinkable to change the face of our degraded rural life and to unleash the productive forces in the agrarian sector.
 

13. Along with the so called green revolution, intensive farming and cultivation of cash crops, there has been   rapid expansion of money economy in the rural areas. Forward trading and speculative holding of food grains, and other agricultural commodities have also grown enormously. Along with this, the tightening of the grip of Indian and foreign monopolistic trading-interests over the agricultural produce and its inputs has rapidly grown, bringing in its wake intensification of exploitation of the  peasants through unequal exchange, supply of costly as well as under-quality inputs and violent fluctuations in the prices of the agriculture products. As a result, the peasant is being fleeced both as a seller of agricultural produce and as a purchaser of agricultural inputs and other industrial goods. All this has led to a considerable increase in usurious capital. Thus, rural indebtedness, in our country, has grown by leaps and bounds. For their day to day needs, especially in the face of pressing social requirements and natural calamities, the agricultural labourers and  the middle and poor peasants have to generally fall back upon commission agents (arhtias) and other private money lenders for loans, who charge enormously high interest rates and enmesh their loanees in such a mortal debt-trap that, ultimatly, many of them have to part with their properties or land to get rid of their debt liabilities. Caught in such a deplorable socio-economic situtation created by heavy debt burden, so far more than 3 lakh hapless peasants and agriculture labourers have committed suicides, especially in almost all those states which had been boasting of
green revolution.
 

14. The complete bankruptcy of these agrarian policies has thrown the Indian agriculture in a full scale and deep crisis. Even then, the goverment is not making any worthwhile investments in agriculture related infrastructure i.e. augumentation of irrigation facilities, agricultural research and marketing facilities etc.. Instead, the government, at the behest of imperialists, is trumpeting crop-diversification in favour of cash crops and corporatisation of agriculture as the sole panacea for all agricultural ills. It is also evident that if crop-diversification is adhered to, it will only further fleece the unorganised poor peasants and enrich the big business and MNCs dealing in seeds and other agricultural inputs. It may also lead to the scarcity of foodgrains.
 

SCOURGE OF CASTE-SYSTEM 

15. This bourgeoise-landlord state has also criminally failed in eradicating the most dehumanising aspect of Indian society i.e. caste-system. This abominable system created by Manuwadi-Brahmnical order centuries ago, has not only been a source of cruel exploitation of the oppressed castes, but also a strong stigma for their humiliation, especially for the Dalits. This despicable social set up has also acted as a big impediment for the full-fledged development of socio-economic potential in our country. That is why several social reformers, throughout our history, especially the illuminating lights of Bhakti movement had to put in yeoman’s service for uprooting this inhuman system of perpetual slavery. But the feudal and semi-feudal socio-economic set up and its dominating value-system blocked all those efforts and any substantial and durable results could not come to fore. In the recent past also some great socio-political personalities such as Jyoti-ba-Phule, Periyar E.V.Ramasamy, Ayyankali, Siri Narayan Guru, Baba Sahib Bheem Rao Ambedkar and Marxist stalwarts such as  A.K.Gopalan launched big mass movements for the eradication of this social scourge. The constitution of India, no doubt, granted the voting rights to all the citizens and some meagre doles for the dalits and backwards, but in the absence of radical land reforms and any effective democratic cultivation in the socio-political and administrative fields, this caste-system in India is still the biggest source of social oppression and mental torture for those, who take birth in the families, branded as lower castes.
 

16. In the all-pervading conditions of capitalist exploitation  the guaranteed rights to the down trodden, Dalits, Backward secetions and  minorities provided in the constitution are also not  being implemented properly. Dalits are still being discriminated and  subjected to untouchability in almost all the parts of the country, despite the fact that untouchability stands being declared unlawful. The growing consciousness among the dalits for social equality and emancipation from caste-system is, generally, met with brutal oppression, not only from the so-called high castes but from the administration also. But, this growing assertion amongest  the dalits incorporates in itself a strong democratic content; as it reflects long suppressed aspirations of this most oppressed section of the Indian society. Therefore, it is a potent force in the struggle for revolutionary social transformation. At the same time, it also needs to be noted that purely caste based appeals being made by some caste leaders simply to consolidate their vote banks are also harmful for the destiny of these down-trodden masses. Such castiest leaders always try to detach the Dalit masses from the common democratic movement. Moreover, such leaders, generally, ignore the basic class issues such as radical land distribution and justified increase in wages. Where as the fight against caste system is an important part of the democratic revolution, and the fight against caste oppression is interlinked with the struggle against class exploitation.
 

Women Equality and Empowerment 

17. Women of our country, too, had  some good hopes from the independent India. They, too, had played a praiseworthy role in the struggle for freedom. It was hoped that in free India women would have complete emancipation from the shackles of centuries old feudal and semi-feudal gender oppression. But, not to speak of any advancement, this bourgeoise-landlord rule has further perpetuated patriarchy in almost every sphere. In fact women are now victims of trilateral exploitation—as women, as Indian citizen, as worker. The degenerated culture being imported from the imperialist world and the revival of Manuwadi reactionary culture by the communal forces are also adding to their woes. The neo-liberal policies, too, have brought with them newer froms of gender exploitation, both in economic and social spheres, leading to increased violence against women. Economic independance and an effective independent role in social and political life are the basic conditions for the advancement of the women in society. Therefore the growing resistance against unequal status, both at home and at the work place and woman’s movement for equality are also important chapters of the movement for revolutionary transformation of society.
 

FEDERAL STRUCTURE DILUTED BADLY  

18. As per the Constitution our state structure is supposed to be a federal one. But, at present, practically all the powers and resources are concentrated in the hands of Central government and the federal structure in India has become a mere formality, which portends grave dangers for the unity of the country. The North-Eastern region, which is inhabited by a large number of ethnic tribal groups, is constantly in trouble. Similarly the situation in Jammu and Kashmir has continuously gone from bad to worse. J&K was provided a special status under article 370 of the Constitution. But over the years all those special provisions have been diluted or curtailed drastically. Due to this erroneous approch of the Union government, the feeling of alienation amongest a big majority of the people in the Kashmir valley had continued to grow. This, too, examplifies the abject failure of  the bourgeoise-landlord rulers in developing a federal structure in the country and also in resolving the issues related to national unity in a democratic manner . The administrative system being based on a highly centralised bureaucracy, all the powers stand concentrated at the top and are exercised through privileged bureaucrats who are divorced from the masses and who obediently serve the interests of the Corporates. Even the Panchayat Raj System has become a victim in the hands of bureaucrats and is failing to deliver any worthwhile goods to the people. Real democracy for the people can have no place in such a bourgeois democracy, which is run by the exploiters and  bureaucrats who are also notorious for their corrupt and unethical means. With the introduction of GST, the financial powers of State have further been curtailed and their dependence on the Centre has further increased.
 

REAL FACE OF BOURGEISE-DEMOCRACY 

19. The constitution of Republic of India provides for a parliament elected on the basis of adult franchise and confers certain fundamental rights on the people. But with the increasing intensification of contradictions between the working people and the bourgeois landlord classes and their imperialist collaborators, class oppression upon the people had continued to increase, undermining thereby the basic democratic postulates enshrined in the constitution.  As such all the democratic institutions embodied in the Constitution, such as Parliament, Legistature, Judiciary, Fundamental rights etc. have lost their credibility to a large extent. Even the universal suffrage has become a slave of money power to a big extent. All sorts of anti-social elements, criminals and gangesters too have found a safe sanctuary in the company of bourgeoise politicians. And, the muscle power has also found a good clientele in the parliamentary politics. The fundamental rights are generally misinterpreted, distorted and violated by the authorities. It goes to prove that capitalist state power and its government even when elected by a majority vote in the parliamentary system of democracy, represents in its political and economic essence, the power of the minority. The violence of the state organs becomes particularly more ferocious whenever the workers, the peasants and other democratic masses dare to resist attacks on their political and economic rights and demands. ESMA, NSA, DIR, POTA, UAPA etc. are a good number of black laws framed by or carried forward by the Indian rulers to strangulate the fundamental rights of the masses enshrined in the Constitution.
 

SECULARISM UNDERMINED 

20. The big bourgeois leadership loudly proclaims that
ours is a secular democracy; as Secularism is enshrined in our Constitution. But in reality its  leaders do not take a consistent secular stand, and are themselves victims of communal thinking based on Brahmnical beliefs, obscurantism and superstitions. In fact, secularism for them is a matter of political convenience and not an ideological committment. They try to distort the whole concept of secularism. Instead of complete separation of religion and politics, for them, secularism means freedom for all religious faiths to equally interfer in the political life of the people. Because of such a wrong, vacillating and opportunistic approach of the ruling classes towards secularism, rabid communal and fascist forces led by R.S.S. and its reactionary philosophy have emerged in the country as a big political force and have assumed the  reins of state power at  the Centre as well as in several states. Now, these RSS led forces aimed at building a  theocratic state in our country, are making every effort to communalise all the institutions of the State, the administration, the educational system and almost  all other aspects of social life. Consequently communal riots and violent attacks on the minorities especially  Muslims and Christians have become a reprehensible common feature. This omnious socio-political development has generated and strengthened feelings of insecurity and alienation amongst the minorities. And, as a reaction, minority communal leaders and fundamentalists are also trying to organise the minorities on communal and divisive lines, thereby posing a grave threat to the communal harmony as well as to the unity and integrity of the country. Our party, therefore, is duty bound to fight an uncompromising struggle for the correct implementation of secularism. Even the slightest departure from that scientific principle should be exposed and fought resolutely. While defending the right of every religious community-—whether it is the majority or minority, to believe in and practise whatever religion they like or to remain atheist, the Party will fight against all forms of intrusion of religion in the  political and administrative life of the nation.
 

Culture distorted and deformed  

21. All these anti-people socio-political as well as economic developments have grossly impacted the cultural value system also. The anti-imperialist patriotic-fervour, generated during the struggle for independence, receded soon. The ongoing and ever increasing collaborations with the imperialists brought with them   degenerated imperealist culture, which has polluted all the spheres of life in our country including its art, literature and culture. All the slogans of upliftment of the poor and of alround and inclusive development have simply turned out to be farcicle. And, the corruption has become the order of the day in the country. A degenerated culture comprising worst type of self-aggrandisement trait, ever by the patently foul and anti-social means, and consummerism have engulfed the society in a big way. The media, especially the electonic media is allowed to portray, with impunity, unhealthy traits like dishonesty, disloyalty, promiscuity and vulgarity instead of healthy democratic values as sincerity, honesty, diligence and compassion for mankind.
With the current upswing of the Sangh Parivar, the cultural life in our country has received a Manuwadi communal thrust which is not only pro-casteist but also anti-poor and anti-women. As a result of this reactionary ideology the obscurantism here has replaced rationalism, mythology has taken the shape of history and the history is being mythologized steadily. Religious tolerance is being replaced by bigotry and nationalism by chauvanism. Cultural diversity as well as multilingual and multi-national character of the Indian society are being undermined under the deceptive  slogan of one nation, one language, one culture etc.. And, the communal colouring there of is being cultivated by the govt. with fascist frenzy. Therefore, to save pro-people contentes of our culture and to save the country from distorted and degenerated culture and to develope Peoples’ Democratic culture, all these negative developments on the cultural front need to be boldly resisted, exposed continuously and thawarted squarely.
 

FOREIGN POLICY 

22. The foreign policy of any state and its government, in the final analysis, is nothing but the projection of its internal policy, and it reflects,in the main, the interests of the class or classes that head the government and the state in question. That is why, the foreign policy of the government of India, in conformity with the immediate interests of the ruling classes, has seen many twists and turns during the past 70 years. But ultimately, now, with the adoption of neo-liberal economic framework  from 1991, coupled with simultaneous dismemberment of socialist camp, and with the tightening of the grip of imperialist monopoly capital over the economy of our country, the government of India is fast shedding the stance of taking independent positions in internationl affairs and in opposing the hegemonic designs of U.S. imperialists. With the signing of strategic defence and nuclear deals with U.S.A., the government has almost mortagaged its policy of non alignment and neutrality. Hence, it has become a paramount need to mobilise the patriotic masses of India to defend the elements of independence and neutrality in the foreign policy, to oppose the aggressive designs of the imperialists in the Middle East, North Korea, African and Latin American Countries and to build close fraternal relations with our neighbouring countries such as China, Pakistan, Bangla Desh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan, Myanmar and with other developing and under-developed democratic countries of the world.
 

III. CONDITIONS OF THE PEOPLE 

23. It is a hard fact that the general condition of the people in our country, as a whole, has not improved materially in spite of tremendous growth in production. The most of the wealth, increasing year after year, is accumulating in the hands of the exploiting classes, especially in the hands of monopolists and big landlords. The working class, the peasantry, the middle classes and even the small and medium entrepreneurs and businessmen are resentful because of the pro-monopoly policies of the government. This discontent of the toiling people generally finds expression in various forms of struggle.
 

24. Alongwith ever-increasing prices of essential commodities, heavy burdens have been  imposed on the working classs through indirect taxes. The workers also face ferocious attacks from the employers and the government. Not only total production in the shape of G.D.P. but the productivity of the workers has also increased. Yet their share in this ever-increasing wealth has fallen. Real wages of the workers have not registered any rise. Initially, with the establishment of new factories in the public sector and with the opening up of the extensive public-utility services sector, employment rose to some extent. But under the impact of imperialist globalisation and the gradual disbanding of the social sector, especially in the fields of Health and Education, the employment avenues have squeezed to a considerable extent and the phenomena of jobless growth has set in, in a big way. Moreover, job security has been completely jeopordised and it has been widely replaced by  contract labour system. As  such the problem of unemployment and under-employment, in the country, has emerged as a dreadful monster. It is adversly affecting the living standards of lakhs of  the families of the working people.
 

25. The workers, through long drawn struggles, had forced the employers and the government to frame some labour laws and to establish some machinery like wage boards, minimum wages committees, tribunals, etc. for wage settlements. But wage  anarchy which is characteristic of the capitalist system, continued to a large extent. Certain norms laid down for minimum wages have not been fulfilled so far. Even the government itself is refusing to give its employees wages based on these norms. The rights to form trade unions and to resort to collective bargaining are still being denied and more than 93% of the work force in the unorganised sector is not being covered under any labour laws. The labour laws, where ever those are said to be in implementation, are brazenly violated by the employers, and the industrial relations machinery set up by the government is mainly directed against the strikes and struggles of workers. A section of the workers had won the right to social security  but its implementation by the bureaucracy is a cause of irritation than of any help to the workers. The working women, generally, not only get less wages, but they are also first to be retrenched. The child labour has also increased and the children are subjected to worst forms of exploitation. The so-called housing schemes of the employers and the government have not liberated the workers and their families from the appalling slums to which they are condemned. With the implementation of neo-liberal policies, the right to security of service for the industrial workers has been sharply eroded and a new policy of ‘hire and fire’ has been introduced covertly and treacheously. ‘Special Economic Zones’ have been carved out at various places in the country at the behests of foreign investors; where no labour laws are applicable.
 

26. Crores of our peasants live in abject poverty and backwardness. A good chunk of the peasantry have practically no land of their own and many lakhs out of them live like paupers. The plunder of the peasantry through exorbitant rents and interests, through high taxes and manipulations of the capitalist market has continued to increase constantly. With the reduction in or abolition of subsidies on the agricultural inputs under the dictates of W.T.O., the process of pauperisation amongst the peasentry has further speeded up. Agricultural labourers and poor peasants have to work in the absence of any guaranteed subsistence wage. Dearth of employment, hunger, indebtedness and destitution—in short, the ruination of our peasantry, is what we see in the countryside today.
 

27. The capitalist path of development that our ruling classes had embarked upon has hit hard the life of lakhs of artisans such as handloom weavers and other handicraftsmen. They have either been summarily thrown into the ranks of the army of paupers and unemployed or have squeezed dry under the impact of extermely low incomes, high prices of food and raw materials and varied taxes. The meagre subsidies and other concessions provided in the state and central budgets have failed to bring any real relief to the vast masses of these tormented artisans and their families and they are finding no other alternative but to join the ever increasing ranks of wage-labourers.
 

28. The middle classes especially the lower middle strata   in the towns are hardly fairing any better. Because of the ever rising prices of essential commodities, their standard of living remains in constant doldrums. In the recent years, under the impact of imperialist globalisation and neo-liberalism, unemployment in this section has grown phenomenally. Middle class wage-earners, working on sub-standerd wages in private offices, business concerns, schools, colleges and the like, are also facing bleak future.
 

29. The youth and the students are also the worst sufferers here. On the one hand, the government takes pride in having maximum youthful population in the country and having foremost position in the world from this angle. But on the other hand, no worthwhile and comprehensive policy frame work have been developed so far to address the needs and aspirations of the students and the youth. The students definitly need wholesome and proper education and efficient vocational training. Where as the youth wants gainful employment commensurating with their qualifications and also capable of providing them an honourable subsistance. But the government under the policy of neo-libralism, has already abandoned its basic responsibility of imparting uniform, free of cost, quality education, to all the students, and the education has become a lucrative business in the country. The high cost commercialisation in this field has made the quality education completely out of reach for the sons and daughters of the down trodden toiling masses. On the employment front, the vital need of man-power planning in this respect, has remained an anathema for the ruling classes from the very begining. They have, rather, surreptitiously fed the monster of unemployment so as to bolster up their class interests. With the current drive towards privatisation of public sector and public utility services, down-sizing of govt. departments, digitalisation and opening up all the doors of the economy for the FDI, the job availavility in the country has gone down upto an alarming extent. With the advent of contract-system and package systems, the job security too has become a thing of the past. Thus the youth at present is the dreadful victim of widespread unemployment and under-employment. They are under the monstrous spell of deep desparation and are often falling an easy prey to the henious designs of anti-social elements of all hues and all shades. It is really horific to see that even educated middle class youth from our country is running from pillar to post all over India as well as in foreign lands for petty jobs.
 

30. Even many micro, small and medium scale industrialists, manufacturers, businessmen and traders have been hit hard by the policies of the government and by the hawkish operations of the foreign and Indian monopolies and financiers. Problems of capital, allocation of raw materials, supply of subsidised power, transport facilities, import and export questions are carried out by the government and bureaucrats in such a way that almost all except big business suffer. Those engaged in small and cottage industries face a permanent crisis.
 

31. In some states there are compact areas inhabited by Advasi and tribal people who constitute nearly 7% of the total population. These people are undergoing transformation and ruination in the new conditions of capitalist development. Their lands, having precious mineral and other natural resources, are being snatched brutally by the governments  to facilitate alround exploitation of those lands by the foreign and Indian corporates. Tribals are being brutally deprieved of their rights on forest lands as well as from forest produce. That is why, the  tribal people have roused with a new consciousness to defend their ancestral rights and also for preserving their culture and identity. They also demand regional or full autonomy to advance their regions where their numbers and geographical lay-out permit such a possibility. But the bourgeoisie, for whom these tribal people are a  good sources of supply of cheap labour in forests, mines, etc., and who, because of their tribal conditions, are an easy prey for exploitation, denies them their legitimate demands and suppresses them with brutal force or disrupts them through concessions given to their top leaders.
 

32. As a result of all these anti-people policies pursued by the government, the vast masses of the people are fleeced by soaring prices, heavy taxes and reckless inflation. While at one end  a microscopic few of the top exploiting classes and their hangers on, with their newly earned riches are rolling in luxury, on the other end, millions of people in the country are groaning under squalor and poverty. Thus, the conflicts and contradictions between the people on the one hand, and the bourgeois-landlord government led by the big bourgeoisie on the other, are steadily getting intensified.
 

IV. PROGRAMME OF THE PEOPLE’S DEMOCRACY 

33. During these 70 years since independence, economic instability, inherent in the capitalist system because of its exploitative nature, has developed into political instability which is     expressing itself in the form of perennial credibility-crisis of bourgeois-landlord  parties. Because of their anti-people policies and the involvement of their leaders in corrupt, unethical, undemocratic and self-seeking pursuits, people in general are quite disgusted with these parties. The people, therefore, are in search of a pro-people comprehensive politico-economic alternative. As such, to stall a shift towards a reactionary fascist order, the situation demands an urgent and forceful intervention of the Marxists with a clear-cut socio-economic alternative; based on Peoples’ Democratic Programme.
 

34. In the face of such a grave challenge, the Revolutionary Marxist Party of India feels duty bound to place before the people the following practical tasks and the political programme as a reliable way out of the deadlock into which they have been forced by the present state.  The Party firmly adheres to its aim of building Socialism and Communism and it is not at all deceived by the false claims of the big bourgeois leaders of the ruling classes and their Governments that they are intent on building socialism of their own variety in India. While adhering to the aim of building a socialist society, our party, taking into consideration the degree of economic development, the degree of the political-ideological maturity of the working class and its organisation, places before the people as the immediate objective, the establishment of People’s Democracy based on the coalition of all genuine anti-feudal, anti-imperialist and anti-monoply forces headed by the working class. This demands, first and foremost, the replacement of the present bourgeois-landlord state and government by a state of people’s democracy and a government led by the working class on the basis of a firm worker-peasant alliance. This alone can quickly and thoroughly complete the unfinished basic democratic tasks of the Indian revolution and pave the way for putting the country on to the road to socialism. The tasks and the programme which the people’s democratic government will carry out as a prerequisite to advancing towards socialism are :
 

35. In the sphere of state structure :
The People’s Democratic India will be a voluntary union of the peoples of various nationalities of India.     Our Party is opposed to the drive of the ruling classes for centralisation, and is also opposed to all divisive, disruptionist and secessionist movements.
Our Party works for the preservation and promotion of the unity of the Indian Union, and to develop a democratic state structure as outlined below.
 

(i) The Indian Union shall be a Federation based on real equality and autonomy for the different nationalities that inhabit in the country.
 

(ii) The people are sovereign. All organs of state power shall be answerable to the people. The supreme authority in exercising state power shall be of the representatives in the House of the people, elected on the basis of adult franchise and on the principle of proportional representation, and subject to recall.
Universal, equal and direct suffrage for all citizens who have attained the age of 18 to be implemented in a free and fair manner in all elections to Parliament, State Legislatures and local self-government bodies. Secret ballot and the right of any voter to be elected to any representative institution to be ensured.
 

(iii) At the Centre, there shall be two Houses having equal powers; the House of the People and the House of the States. The President shall act in accordance with the decisions of both the Houses and shall have no other powers.
 

(iv) All states in the Indian Union shall have real autonomy and equal powers.
The tribal areas or the areas where population is specfic in ethnic composition and is distinguished by specific social and cultural conditions, may be in adjoining State or States, will have regional autonomy with regional Government and shall receive full assistance for their development.
 

(v) There shall not be any upper Houses at the States level. Nor shall there be Governors for the States appointed from above. All administrative services shall be under the direct control of the respective States or local authorities. States shall treat all Indian citizens alike, and there shall not be any discrimination on the ground of caste, religion, community and nationality.
 

(vi) Equality of all national languages in Parliament and
Central administration shall be recognised. Members of Parliament will have the right to speak in any national language and simultaneous translation will have to be provided in all other national languages. All Acts, Government orders and resolutions shall be made available in all national languages. The use of Hindi as the official language shall not be made obligatory. In the course of growing economic, social and intellectual intercourse, the people of different States of India will develop in practice the language of inter communications, most suitable to their needs. The use of English, in the fields of administration, legislation, judiciary and as the medium of instruction in education shall be discrded replacing it with the national languages. Right of people to receive instructions in their mother tongue in educational institution, the use of the national language of  the particular linguistic state as the language of administration in all its public and State institutions, as well as its use as the medium of education in the State up to the highest standard, provision for the use of the language of a minority or minorities or of a region where necessary in addition to the language of the State shall be implemented. The Urdu language and its script shall be protected and promoted.
 

(vii) The people’s Democratic Government will take measures to consolidate the unity of India by fostering and promoting mutual co-operation between the constituent states and between the peoples of different states in the economic, political and cultural spheres. It will pay special attention and render financial and other assistance to economically backward and weaker states, regions and areas with a view to helping them rapidly overcome their backwardness. Inter-state problems like sharing of river waters and other natural resources shall be decided on democratic lines, on need based principles and also keeping in view the reparian rights in the sharing of river water.  
 

(viii) The people’s Democratic State, in the field of local administnation, shall ensure a wide network of local bodies from village upward, directly elected by the people and vested with adequate powers and responsibilities and will be provided with adequate finances.
 

(ix) The people’s Democratic State shall strive to infuse in all our social and political institutions the spirit of genuine democracy. It will extend democratic forms of initiatives and control over every aspect of national life. A key role in this will be played by the trade unions, peasant and agricultural workers’ associations, and other class and mass organisations of the working people. The Government will take steps to make the legislative and executive machinery of the country responsive to the genuine democratic wishes of the people, and will ensure that the masses and their organisations are drawn into active participation in the administration and work of the State. It will work for the elimination of unnecessary bureaucracy and obsolete bureaucratic parctices in the state and administration.
 

(x) Democratic changes will be introduced in the matter of administering justice. Prompt and fair justice shall be ensured. The appointment of judges will be subject to approval of Parliament, Legislatures and other people’s organs at different levels.
Free legal aid and consultation will be provided for the people in order to make legal redress easily available to all citizens.
Right of persons to sue any official before a court of law shall be ensured.
 

(xi) The people’s Democratic Government will infuse the members of the armed forces with the spirit of patriotism, democracy and service to the people. It will ensure them good living standards and conditions of service, and provide them with maximum possible opportunities for cultural life, as well as the education and well-being of their children. It will encourage all able-bodied persons to undergo military training and be imbued with the spirit of national independence and its defence.
 

(xii) Full civil liberties shall be guaranteed. Inviolability of person and domicile, and no detention of persons without trial, unhampered freedom of conscience, religious belief and worship, speech, press, assembley, strike and combination; freedom of movement and occupation shall be guaranteed.
 

(xiii)  Right to work as a fundamental right of every citizen shall be guaranteed ; equal right for all citizens and equal pay for equal work irrespective of religion, caste, sex, race and nationality shall be ensured; a suitable social security system will be developed to provide adequate relief to all the senior citizens, handicapped and other needy persons.
 

(xiv) Wide disparities in salaries and incomes will be abolished.
 

(xv) Effective and robust legal as well as administrative measures will be taken to abolish social oppression of one caste by another and untouchability will be squarely punished by law.
Special facilities for scheduled castes, tribes and other backward communities belonging to all religions shall be provided in the matter of services and other special and educational amenities.
 

(xvi)  Social inequalities and disabilities from which women suffer shall be removed, equal rights with men in such matters as inheritance of property, enforcement of marriage and divorce laws, admission to professions and services shall be guaranteed.
 

(xvii) Secular character of the State shall be guaranteed. Interference by religious institutions in the affairs of the State and political life of the country shall be prohibited. Religious minorities shall be given protection and any discrimination against them will be forbidden.
 

(xviii) The State shall fully take over the education and its secular character shall be ensured. Free and compulsory education up to the secondary stage shall be guaranteed.
 

(xix) A wide network of health, medical and maternity services shall be established free of cost; creches for children, rest homes for working people and recreation centres for senior citizens shall be guaranteed.
 

(xx) Democratically developed and organised public intervention will be ensured to curb the corruption at all levels; stringent steps will be undertaken to unearth the black money, to eradicate black-marketing and to punish economic offenders and criminals.
 

(xxi) Accountability of the print and electronic media will be ensured and its concentration in the hands of private business magnats will not be allowed.
 

(xxii) Comprehensive steps will be taken to protect and maintain the natural environment and the sustainment of the ecological order will be ensured.
 

(xxiii) The people’s Democratic State and Government  will undertake the important task of unleashing the creative talents of our people for developing and extending the new progressive people’s culture which will be anti-feudal, anti-imperialist and democratic in character. It shall take the following necessary measures to foster, encourage and develop such literature, art and culture as will—
 

—help the people in their struggle to improve their living conditions and enrich their material and cultural life.
 

—help the people to get rid of caste and communal hatred and prejudices and ideas of subservience and obscurantism and superstitions.
 

—help each nationality including the tribal people to develop their distinct language, culture and way of life in unison with the common aspirations of the democratic masses of the country as a whole.
 

—Help all our people to develop feelings of brotherhood with all peace-loving peoples and countries of the world, and to
discard ideas of racial and national hatred.
 

36. In the field of agriculture and to address the peasant problem :
The Peoples’ Democratic government will
 

(i)    Abolish landlordism without compensation and give land gratis to the agricultural labourers and poor peasants; lands under the control of corporates and monopolists will be taken over and co-operatives of peasants will be encourged to manage those lands;
 

(ii)    Big Landed properties of religious institutions and charitable trusts etc. will be taken over for the welfare of toiling masses.
 

(iii) Cancel debts of agricultural labourers as well as of small and middle peasants and small artisans to moneylenders and landlords;
 

(iv) Ensure long-term and cheap credit for the peasants and artisans and fair prices for agricultural produce, assist the peasants to improve methods of farming by the use of improved seeds, other inputs  and modern implements and technique ;
 

(v) Provide guaranteed irrigation facilities;
 

(vi) Procurement and public distribution of agricultural commodities will be taken over by the govt..
 

(vii) Ensure adequate wages and decent living conditions for agricultural labourers ;
 

(viii) Encourage co-operatives of peasants and artisans on a voluntary basis for farming and for agricultural services and other purposes.
 

37. In the field of industry and labour :
Our industry suffers not only from an extremely low purchasing power of the peasants and workers but also from the depredations of foreign capital. We cannot be a strong and prosperous country unless we are industrialised on a wide scale ; but industrialised to such an extent we shall never be so long as foreign capital exists in India and is given further opportunities of penetration under imperialist globalisation, as the profits of their invested capital are taken out of the country and we are unable to use them.
In the field of industry, therefore, the people’s Democratic Government will :
 

(i) Take over all foreign capital in plantations, mines, oil refineries and factories, shipping and trade. It will nationalise all banks and credit institutions and other monopolistic industries. Foreign trade will be nationalised. Similarly procurement and public distribution of Agricultural commodities will be taken over by the govt..
 

(ii) Develop the state sector with the utmost rapidity so as to quickly overcome economic dependence and expand continuously the industries of the country. This, together with the setting up of new state-owned industries will make the state sector dominant and decisive.
 

(iii) Assist the micro, small and medium industries by providing them with credit, raw materials at reasonable prices and by helping them in regard to marketing facilities, so as to ensure their
continued viability.
 

(iv) Regulate and co-ordinate the various sectors of the economy in order to achieve balanced and planned economic development of the country in the interest of the people. Agriculture based industries will be promoted.
 

(v) Democratise the management of the state sector by removing persons connected with big business from the management and by ensuring the creative participation of the workers and technicians in the management and running of industries.
 

(vi) Improve radicaly the living standards and working conditions of workers by (a) fixing a living wage, (b) progressive reduction of hours of work, (c) social insurance at the expense of the state and capitalists, against every kind of disablity and unemployment, (d) provision of decent housing for workers, (e) recognition of trade unions and their right of collective bargaining as well as the right to strike.
 

(vii) Strengthen and universalise the Public Distribution System and  effectively implement a price policy in the interest of the common people.
 

(viii) Maximum relief from taxation to workers, peasants and artisans shall be given while graded tax in agriculture, industry and trade will be introduced and profits will be controlled.
 

(ix) Consistent efforts will be made to encourge scientific and technological research in all the fields for the broader benefits of the human society.
 

38. In the sphere of foreign policy :
In order to ensure that India plays its rightful role for the preservation of world peace, for the democratisation of international relations, for peaceful co-existence and in the struggle against imperialist hegemony  the People’s Democratic Government will :
 

(i) Strengthen solidarity amongst developing and under developed countries of Asia, Africa and Latin-America and support all struggles against imperialism and for the democracy and socialism  in every possible way; further develop friendly relations and co-operation with the socialist countries and all peace-loving states in the interests of peace and freedom. 
 

(ii) Strive for peaceful co-existence, based on the panchsheel, among countries with different social systems.
 

(iii) Do everything in its power, in co-operation with all peace-loving forces, to deliver mankind from the threat of a nuclear-missile war; demand the immediate prohibition of the testing, manufacture and use of all nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass annihilation and work for the destruction of all nuclear and atomic stock piles ; work for the agreements for nuclear-free zones.
 

(iv) Work for preventing war, for preserving peace and making it secure; work for the conclusion of a treaty on general and controlled disarmament; demand the abolition of all military pacts and all foreign military bases as well as withdrawal of all foreign troops from other countries; exercise the greatest vigilance against the imperialist war-mongers and their intrigues and manoeuvres and inspire the masses in the spirit of such vigilance.
 

(v) Withdraw India from the British Commonwealth, renounce all agreements and commitments with Britain, USA and other imperialists, which are against the interests of the nation or not in keeping with national dignity.
 

(vi) Strongly oppose environmental pollution by MNCs and other big industrial magnates and promote international co-operation for the preservation of the environment and protection of the ecological balance.  
 

(vii) Always make special and concerted efforts to peacefully settle the existing differences and disputes and to establish friendly relation with India’s neighbours—Pakistan, Bangla Desh, Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, Burma and China.
 

 V.  BUILDING OF PEOPLE’S DEMOCRATIC FRONT 

39. For the thorough going fulfilment of the basic tasks of the Indian revolution in its present stage, it is absolutely essential to replace the present bourgeois landlord state headed by the big bourgeoisie by a state of people’s democracy led by the working class. This stage of our revolution and the basic tasks facing it also determine the role of the different classes in the struggle to achieve it. It is also evident that the nature of our revolution in the present stage of its development is essentially anti-feudal, anti-imperialist, anti-monopoly and democratic. It will have to take upon itself, first and foremost, the task of carrying out radical agrarian reforms in the interest of the peasantry; so as to sweep away the remnants of feudal and semi-feudal fetters on our forces of production in agriculture as well as in industry. This will have to be suplemented by sweeping measures of reforming the social system through which such remnants of pre-capitalist society as the caste system, gender discriminations and other reactionary social customs keep the villages tied up to the age old backwardness. The task of making such sweeping reforms in the social system, however, is inextricably bound up with the completion of the agrarian revolution which in fact is the axis of the democratic revolution. The second urgent task of our democratic revolution is the total eradication and summary expulsion of the foreign monopoly capital from our national economy and thus free the economic political and social life of our people from all its disastrous influences. Thus these two fundamental tasks facing the democratic revolution are to be fulfilled alongwith the task of breaking the power of monopoly capital.
 

40. Naturally, under these circumstances the people’s democratic revolution inevitably comes into clash with the state power of the big bourgeoisie of India. Such being the case the people’s democratic front is needed to be forged to achieve the revolution. Such a people’s democratic front cannot successfully be built and the revolution cannot attain victory except under the leadership of the working class of India and its political party. Historically no other class in modern society except the working class is destined to play this role. Further, the core and the basis of the people’s democratic front will be the firm alliance of the working class and the peasantry. It is also a common knowledge that our peasantry is not a homogeneous mass. Capitalism has made decisive inroads in it and brought about definite classification among them. The different sections of the peasantry play different roles in the revolution. The agricultural labourers,  basically known as Dalits, and poor peasants, who constitute 70 percent of the rural households and are subjected to ruthless exploitation are the basic allies of the working class. Whereas the middle peasantry, too, is a firm and reliable ally in the democratic front. The rich peasants are another influential section among the peasantry, which too can be brought into the democratic front and retained as allies in the people’s democratic revolution. Similarly, the urban and semi-urban middle classes, with inadequate salaries and other meagre incomes, will also be an ally in the democratic front and every effort should be made to win them for the revolution. These middle classes, as an important catalyst, can play a valuable role in enlightening the working masses. However they being generally under the influence of consumerism, communal propaganda, superstitions and other medieval customs and traditions, they will have to be freed from the clutches of these evils by inculcating scientific outlook and progressive values.
 

41. The Indian bourgeoisie as a class, coming as it is from an under developed country, has its conflicts and contradictions with imperialism and also with the feudal and semi-feudal agrarian order. However, the bigger and monopoly section, after attainment of independence, has utilised its hold over the state power to resolve these conflicts and contradictions by compromise, pressure and bargain. In that process it has strongly integrated its interests with the foreign monopolists. This upper section  is anti-people and anti-Communist in character and is firmly opposed to the people’s democratic front and its revolutionary objectives. But the other broader sections of the national bourgeoisie which have either no links altogether with foreign monopolists or having no durable links, are also objectively  interested in the accomplishment of the principal tasks of the anti-feudal and anti-imperialist revolution. As the general crisis of the world capitalist system deepens, and the contradiction between foreign monopolists and them grows in all its intensity, and, as the big bourgeoisie, using its economic power and leading position in the state, attempts to solve its crisis at the expense of its weak class-brethren in the country, this stratum of the bourgeoisie will be compelled to come into opposition with the state power and can find a place in the people’s democratic front. But it should be borne in mind that they are still sharing state power along with the big bourgeoisie and entertain high hopes of advancing further under the same regime. Notwithstanding its objectively progressive character, by virtue of its weak class position vis-a-vis Indian big monopolists and foreign imperialists, it is unstable and will exhibits extreme vacillation between the imperialists and their Indian big bourgeois accomplices on the one hand and the people’s democratic front on the other. Therefore every effort must be made to win them to the democratic front and by a diligent and concrete study of their problems no opportunity should be lost by the working class to render them support in their all struggles against both the Indian monopolists and foreign imperialist competitors.
 

42. The working class and its Party, while not for a moment losing sight of its basic aim of building the people’s democratic front to achieve the people’s democratic revolution and the fact that this has to inevitably come into clash with the present Indian state led by the big bourgeoisie, will have to take cognizance of the contradictions and conflicts that do exist between the Indian bourgeoisie, including the big bourgeoise, and foreign imperialists. In the background of the  on going acute crisis and the daily intensifying general crisis of world capitalism, the different contradictions obtaining in the national and international spheres are bound to get intensified. Our Party, while carefully studying this phenomenon, shall strive to utilise every such difference, fissure, conflict and contradiction to isolate the imperialists and strengthen the people’s struggle for democratic advance.
 

43. In the absence of an effective, unified and politically active movement of the working class, the ever increasing resentment against the monstrosities of the capitalist path have been utilised by certain negative, reactionery, communal and counter-revolutionary forces for consolidating their bases. Out of these forces BJP backed by Sangh Parivar is now the foremost one. With the fascist ideology of RSS at its back, it has succeeded in grabing power at the Centre and also in several of the states. It has emerged as the flag-bearer of revivalism and has set forth a goal to revive a theocratic-state in the country; thus to negate all the achievements gained so far in the democratic direction. The rabid communal practices and henious violent attacks on minority religious communities by the goons of this party and by other outfits of RSS have generated a deep sense of insecurity amongst the minorities . As a reaction, the minorities too have built up some strong areas of influence on communal lines. This reactionary phenomenon is not only harmful for the unity of working class, but coupled with the rise of fundamentalist forces at the international level, it also poses a grave threat to the general well being of the people as well as to the unity and integrity of our country. Therefore for the advancement of struggle for Peoples’ Democracy, our Party will also have to firmly combat the reactionery fascist ideology and political agenda of the RSS and its affiliates.
 

44. It will also be imperative for our Party to spare no efforts in taking up the issues of social oppression, discriminations and injustices with minorities, dalits, women and Advasies, as an agenda of top priority. Our Party holds before itself the important task of uniting all the progressive, democratic and patriotic forces in the country—forces which are interested in sweeping away  all the socio-economic remnants of pre-capitalist society, forces which are carrying out the agrarian revolution in a thorough manner and in the interests of the peasantry, and the forces interested in the elimination of all shackles of foreign capital, and in removing all the obstacles in the path of a radical reconstruction of India’s economy, its social life and culture.
 

45. However, the struggle to realise the aims of the people’s democratic revolution through the revolutionary unity of all patriotic and democratic forces, with the worker-peasant alliance as its core, is a complex and protracted one. Therefore the Party will obviously have to work out various interim slogans in order to meet the requirements of a rapidly changing political situation. The Party, therefore, will utilise all the opportunities for bringing into existence governments at the provincial level as are pledged to carry out modest programmes of providing immediate relief to the people. However, it will continue to educate the mass of the people regarding the prime need to replace the present bourgeoise-landlord state and government headed by big bourgeoise, while utilising all such opportunities for forming such governments of a transitional character to strengthen the mass movements.
 

46. Thus our party will strive to achieve the establishment of people’s democracy and socialist transformation through peaceful means. Combining skillfuly the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary struggles for the development of mass revolutionary movement, our party will always keep in mind that the latter are highly imperative for bringing any substantive change in the balance of class forces in favour of revolutionary social transformation. Thus the working class and its allies will try their utmost to overcome the resistance of the forces of reaction and to bring about these transformations through peaceful means.
However, it needs always to be borne in mind that the ruling classes never relinquish their power voluntarily. They seek to defy the will of the people and seek to reverse it by lawlessness and violence. It is, therefore necessary for the revolutionary forces to be vigilant against the nefarious tactics of the bourgeoise rulers and so orientate their work that they can face up to all contingencies, to any twist and turn in the political life of the country. 
 

BUILDING  UP  A REVOLUTIONARY  MARXIST PARTY 

47. For the consummation of this Programme of Peoples’ Democracy, the principal task ahead is to build a most capable and strong enough Revolutionary Marxist Party based on the scientific teachings of Marxism-Leninism. A Party, capable of building a mighty Peoples’ Democratic Front and also capable of mobilising the exploited masses in a big way. A Party, capable of assimilating and developing the glorious traditions of the Indian people who had undergone innumerable sacrifices in their struggles against tyrants and exploitors of all varities and in all Ages. A Party, capable of co-ordinating the struggles of various sections of the Indian society and combining them into a massive current against the enemies of the revolution i.e. imperialism, remanents of feudalism, domestic Corporates and Brahmnical superstitions and obscurantism. A Party, capable of cultivating patriotism alongwith proletarian internationalism. A Party, capable of remaining ever vigilant against all shades of revisionism and sectarianism, especially against the right deviation of parliamentarism as well as against anarco-militrist adventurism.
Only such a Party which constantly educates and re-educates its ranks in the spirit of Marxism-Leninism can be able to master all forms of actions appropriate to the moment, in accordance with the changing co-relations of class forces. Our Party, the Revolutionary Marxist Party of India will  earnestly strive to always unite in its ranks the most advanced, the most active and the most selfless sons and daughters of the working people and will ceaselessly strive to develop them as staunch Marxist-Leninists, so as to achieve the goal of People’s Democratic Revolution and to advance onwards to the road to socialism.
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Constitution

ARTICLE-I

NAME & Flag 

    The name of the Party shall be Revolutionary Marxist Party of India; and its flag shall be a Red Flag of which the length shall be one-and-a-half times its width, with a crossed hammer and sickle, in white, in its centre and words RMPI, written vertically on its Left side.
 

ARTICLE -II
AIMS & OBJECTS  

1.     The Revolutionary Marxist Party of India is the revolutionary vanguard of the Indian working class and its aim is to transform the present Indian society into a classless and  casteless society, free from all types of social, ethnic and gender oppression and discriminations.
 

2.     (a) In all its activites, the Party will be guided by the philosophy and principles of Marxism-Leninism and it will earnestly strive for the establishment of Socialism and Communism, through a State led by working class.
 

(b)      The Party shall bear true faith and allegiance to the Constitution of India as by law established, and to the principles of socialism, secularism, democracy and would uphold the sovereignty, unity and integrity of India.
 

3.     The Party will remain firmly committed to keep high the banner of proletarian-internationalism and world peace.
 

    ARTICLE -III
         MEMBERSHIP 

1.         Any Indian citizen, 18 years of age or above, who accepts the Programme and Constitution of the Party, agrees to work in one of the Party organisations, to pay regularly the party membership dues (fee and levy as may be prescribed) and to carry out decisions of the Party shall be eligible for Party membership.
 

2.     (a) New members shall normally be admitted to the Party Branch through individual application on the recommendation of two Party members.
        Every person joining the Party shall sign the Party pledge. This pledge shall be :
        “I accept the aims and objectives of the Party and agree to abide by its Constitution and to loyally carry out decisions of the Party.
        I shall strive to live up to the ideals of communism and shall selflessly serve the working class, the toiling masses and the country, always placing the interests of the Party and the people above my personal interests.”
 

(b)      All Party committees, higher to the Party Branch and up to
      the Central Committee level, will have the power to directly admit new members to the Party in special circumstances.
 

(c)      The new entrants shall be regarded as a candidate members for a period of one year commencing from the date of their admission.
 

(d)      If a leading member from another Left political party comes
     over to the Party, they can be admitted to the full membership of the Party.
 

(e)      Members once expelled from the Party can be re-admitted only by the decision of the Party Committee which  confirmed their expulsion or by higher committee.
 

3.      (a)  Candidate members have the same duties and rights as full members except that they have no right to elect or be elected or to vote on any motion.
 

(b)       The Party Branch or the Party Committee admitting candidate members shall arrange for their elementary education on the Programme, Constitution and the current policies of the Party and observe their development, through providing for their functioning as members of a Party Branch or unit.
 

(c)      By the end of the period of candidature, the Party Branch or Party Committee concerned shall discuss whether the candidate member is qualified to full membership. If a candidate member is found unfit, the Party Branch or Committee shall cancel his or her candidate membership. A report on admission to full membership shall be regularly forwarded by the Branch or the Party Committee concerned to the next higher committee.
 

4.     A Party member may transfer his or her membership from one unit to another, with the approval of his or her unit and by sending his or her application through his or her unit to the higher unit under whose jurisdiction the concerned units function.
 

5.      (a) All membership records shall be kept under the supervision of the District Committee.
 

(b)      There shall be annual check-up of Party membership by the Party organisation to which the Party member belongs. Any Party Member who for a continuous period of six months and without proper reason has failed to take part in Party life and activity or to pay Party dues shall be dropped from Party membership.
 

(c)      A Party member wishing to resign from the Party shall submit his or her resignation to the Party Branch or to the Party unit to which he or she belongs. The unit concerned may accept the same and decide to strike his or her name off the rolls and report the matter to the next higher committee.
 

MEMBERSHIP FEE & LEVY 

6.     (a) All Party  members as well as candidates shall pay the Party membership fee as decided by the Central Committee  from time to time. This annual Party fee shall be paid at the time of admission into the Party and by March end of each year to the Branch or Unit Secretary by the member concerned. The Central Committee may extend this date if the circumstances warrant such an extension.
 

(b)   All Party fees collected from Party members by Party Branches or Units will be deposited with the Central Committee through the appropriate Party Committees.
 

(c)      Every Party member must pay a monthly levy as laid down by the Central Committee. Those whose incomes are of annual or of seasonal character have to pay their levy at the beginning of the season or at the beginning of every quarter on the same percentage basis.
 

DUTIES OF PARTY MEMBERS 

7.     (a)  The duties of the Party members are as follows :
 

        (i) To regularly participate in the activity of the Party organisation to which they belong and to faithfully carry out the policy, decisions and the directives of the Party;
 

(ii)      To study Marxism-Leninism and endeavour to raise their level of understanding;
 

(iii)      To read, support and popularise the Party journals and Party publications;
 

(iv)      To observe the Party Constitution and Party discipline in accordance with the noble ideals of communism;
 

(v)      To place the interests of the people and the Party above personal interests;
 

(vi)      To devotedly serve the masses and consistently strengthen their bonds with them, to learn from the masses and report their opinions and demands to the Party, to work in a mass organisation, unless exempted, under the guidance of the Party;
 

(vii)  To cultivate comradely relations towards one another and constantly develop a fraternal spirit within the Party;
 

(viii)  To practise criticism and self-criticism with a view to helping each other and improving individual and collective work;
 

(ix)       To be frank, honest and truthful to the Party and not to betray the confidence of the Party;
 

(x)      To safeguard the unity and solidarity of the Party and to be vigilant against the enemies of the working class and the country;
 

(xi)      To defend the Party and uphold its cause against the onslaught of the enemies of the Party, the working class and the country.
 

(b)       It shall be the task of the Party organisation to ensure the fulfilment of the above duties by Party members and help them in every possible way in the discharge of these duties.
 

RIGHTS OF PARTY MEMBERS 

8.      (a)  Rights of the Party members are as follows :
 

(i)      To elect Party organs and Party Committees and be elected to them;
 

(ii)      To participate in discussion in order to contribute to the
    formation of the Party policy and of the decisions of the Party;
 

 (iii)  To make proposals regarding one’s own work in the Party;
 

 (iv) To make criticism about Party Committees and Party functionaries at Party meetings;
 

 (v)      To be heard in person in his or her unit when a Party unit discusses disciplinary action against him or her;
 

(vi)     When any Party member disagrees with any decision of a Party Committee on organisation he or she has a right to submit his or her opinion to the next higher committee. In case of political difference a member has the right to submit his or her opinion to the higher committee up to the Central Committee. In all such cases the Party member shall, of course, carry out the Party decisions and the differences shall be sought to be resolved through the test of practice and through comradely discussions;
 

(vii)      To address any statement, appeal or complaint to any higher Party organisation up to and including the Central committee.
 

(b)      It shall be the duty of Party organisations and Party functionaries to see that these rights are respected.
 

ARTICLE -IV
ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE 

1.      The organisational structure of the Party is based on, and its internal life will be guided by, the principles of democratic centralism. Democratic centralism means centralised leadership based on inner-Party democracy and democracy practised under the guidance of the centralised leadership.
        In the sphere of the Party structure, the guiding principles of democratic centralism are:
 

(a)      All Party organs from top to bottom shall be elected :
 

(b)      The minority shall carry out the decisions of the majority; the lower Party organisations shall carry out the decisions and directives of the higher Party organs, the individual shall subordinate himself to the will of the collective. All Party organisations shall carry out the decisions and directives of the All India Party Conference and of the Central Committee;
 

(c)      All Party committees shall function strictly on the principles
     of collective decisions and check-up combined with individual responsibility;
 

(d)     All questions of international affairs, questions of all-India character, or questions concerning more than one State or questions requiring uniform decisions for the whole country, shall be decided upon by the all-India Party organisations. All questions of a State or district character shall be ordinarily decided upon by the corresponding Party organisations. But in no case shall such decisions run counter to the decisions of a higher Party organisation.
 

2.      Basing itself upon the experience of the entire Party membership and of the popular movement, in the sphere of the internal life of the Party, the following principles of democratic centralism shall be applied :
 

(a)      Free and frank discussion within the Party unit on all questions affecting the Party, its policy and work;
 

(b)     Sustained efforts to activise the Party members in popularising and implementing the Party policies, to raise their ideological-political level and improve their general education so that they can effectively participate in the life and work of the Party.
 

(c)      When serious differences arise in a Party Committee, every effort should be made to arrive at an agreement. Failing this, the decision should be postponed with a view to resolving differences through further discussions, unless an immediate decision is called for by the needs of the Party and the mass movement. In such cases the decisions will invariably be taken by majority vote, with  secret ballot if demanded by any of the members, and there will be no place for veto power; It will also be ensured that differences on political issues must not reflect in the isolation or exclusion of the minority in the organisation;
 

(d)      Encouragement of criticism and self-criticism at all levels, from top to bottom, especially criticism from below;
 

(e)      Consistent struggle against bureaucratic tendencies at all
     levels; collective leadership will be developed and strengthened at all levels through proper division of work and responsibilities; due vigilance will be maintained against harmful tendencies as promote individualism, arbitrariness, personality-cult and fissiprous traits.
 

(f)     Impermissibility of factionalism and factional groupings inside the Party in any form;
 

(g)     Strengthening of the Party spirit by developing fraternal relations and mutual help, correcting mistakes by treating comrades sympathetically, judging them and their work not on the basis of isolated mistakes or incidents, but taking into account their whole record of service to the party as well as to the working class movement.
 

ARTICLE -V
POWERS & FUNCTIONS 

1.      The supreme organ of the Party for the whole country shall be the All-India Party Conference.
 

(a)     The regular All India Party conference shall be convened by the Central Committee ordinarily every three years.
 

(b)     The date and venue of the All India Party conference shall be decided by the Central Committee at a meeting especially called for the purpose. It will also decide the schedule for the conferences to be held at the lower levels, in preparations for the All India Conference.
 

(c)      All India Party Conference shall be composed of delegates
     elected by the State Conferences as well as by Conferences of Party units directly under the All-India Party Centre.
 

(d)     The basis of representation at the All India Party Conference shall be  decided by the Central Committee on the basis of total Party membership, strength of the mass movement led by the Party, strength of the Party in the respective States.
 

(e)     The members of the outgoing Central Committee shall have the right to participate as full delegates in the All India Party Conference.
 

2.     Functions and powers of the All India Party Conference are as follows :
 

(a)     To discuss and act on the political and organisational report of the Central Committee;
 

(b)     To revise and change the Party Programme and the Party Constitution;
 

(c)      To determine the Party line on current situation;
 

(d)    To elect the Central Committee as well as Central control commission by secret ballot.
 

CENTRAL COMMITTEE 

3.1     (a)  The Central Committee shall be elected at the All India Party Conference, the number of its members being decided by that Party Conference.
 

(b)     The outgoing Central Committee shall propose to the Conference a panel of candidates.
 

(c)      The panel of candidates shall be prepared with a view to creating a capable leadership, closely linked with the masses, firm in the revolutionary outlook of the working class and educated in Marxism-Leninism.
 

(d)     Any delegate can raise objection with regard to any name in the panel proposed as well as propose any new name or names, but the prior approval of the member whose name is proposed is necessary.
 

(e)     Any one whose name has been proposed shall have the right to withdraw.
 

(f)    The panel proposed, together with the additional nominations by the delegates, shall be voted upon by secret ballot, and by the method of single distributive vote. In case there is no additional nomination, approval of the delegates will be taken by show of hands.
 

3.2     The Central Committee shall be the highest authority of the Party between two All-India Party Conferences.
 

3.3     It will be responsible for enforcing the Party Constitution and carrying out the political line and decisions adopted by the Party Conference.
 

3.4     The Central Committee shall represent the Party as a whole
     and shall be responsible for directing the entire work of the Party. The Central Committee shall have right to take decisions with full authority on any question facing the Party.
 

3.5     The Central Committee shall elect from among its members
     a Standing Committee, comprising not more than one third of its total members including its Chairman, General Secretary and Treasurer. The number of members in the Standing Committee shall be decided by the Central Committee. The Standing Committee carries on the work of the Central committee between its two sessions and has the right to take political and organisational decisions in between two meetings of the Central Committee which will be ratified by the Central Committee.
 

3.6     (a) The Central Committee shall remove any member from itself for gross breach of discipline, misconduct or for anti-Party activity by two-thirds of the members present and voting and in any case by more than half the total strength of the Central Committee voting for such removal.
 

(b)     It can fill up any vacancy ocurring in its composition by simple majority of its total members.
 

3.7     The time between two meetings of the Central Committee as well as Lower Committees shall not normally exceed three months. The minimum quorum for all the meetings will be one half of the total members.
 

3.8     The Central Committee shall be responsible for the Party finances and will adopt the statement of accounts submitted to it by the Standing Committee, once a year.
 

STATE AND DISTRICT PARTY ORGANS 

4.1      The highest organ in the State or District shall be the State or
     the District Conference which elects a State or District Committee.
 

4.2    (a) The organisational structure, the rights and functions of the State or District Party organs are similar to those enumerated in the articles concerning the Party structure and functions at the All-India level, their functions being confined to the State or District issues and their decisions being within the limit of the decisions taken by the next higher Party organ. In case it becomes necessary to increase the number of members of these Party Committees they can do so with the permission of the next higher committee.
 

(b)     The State or District Committee shall elect a Secretariat including its President, Secretary and Treasurer. But the State or district Committee may not have a Secretariat if permitted by the next higher committee.
 

(c)     The State or District Committee shall remove any member from itself for gross breach of discipline, misconduct or for anti-party activity by a decision of majority of the total members of the State Committee or District Committee.
 

(d)     The State Committee shall decide on the area of the District Committee taking into account the needs of the movement. It may not necessarily be confined to administrative division.
 

(e)     The State Committee shall decide on the various Party
     organs to be set up between the primary unit (the Branch) and the District or the region and shall make necessary provisions relating to their composition and functioning. This will be done in accordance with the rules laid down by the Central Committee. These lower Committees will also elect their Presidents and Secretaries.
 

PRIMARY UNIT 

5.1 (a)    The primary unit of the Party is the Party Branch organised on the basis of profession or territory;
 

(b)        Party members are to be organised on the basis of their occupation or vocation, when they are working in a factory or an institute or any industry. When such Branches are organised the members of such branches shall be associate members of the Party Branches in place of their residence or organised as auxiliary Branches there. The work to be allotted in their place of residence shall not be detrimental to the work allotted to them by  their basic units in the factory or institute or occupation;
 

(c)     The number of members in a Branch shall not be less than five and more than fifteen. They will elect a Secretary and an Asstt. Secretary of the Party Branch.
 

5.2     The Branch is the living link between the masses of workers, peasants and other sections of the people within its areas or sphere and the leading committee of the Party.
      Its tasks are :
 

(a)     To carry out the directives of the higher committee;
 

(b)    Win the masses in the factory, institute or locality for the
    political and organisational decisions of the Party;
 

(c)    Draw in Party sympathisers into activity and to enrole them as new members and educate them politically;
 

(d)    Help the District, Area, Local Town Committee in its day-to-day organisational and agitation work.
 

FUNCTIONS AND RESPONSIBILITIES OF THE OFFICE BEARERS. 

6.1        An office in a Revolutionary Party carries only certain additional responsibilities and not any status or privilege.
 

6.2       The elected office bearers, mentioned in the foregoing clauses, will have the responsibilities as under :
 

(a)   Chairman :  Organisational head of the Party; will preside over and conduct all the meetings of CC and Standing Committee; look after the organisational expansion and strengthening of the Party, including building up a substantive Party Education System.
 

(b) General Secretary : Chief spokesman of the Party; custodian of the Party records;  look after all the ideological and political initiatives required to strengthen the mass base of the Party; monitor the proper implementation of the party decisions in general, and preparation of  reports concerning these issues.
 

(c)      Treasurer :   Responsible for the proper maintainence of the Party Accounts;  look after the financial and other logistic needs of the Party.
 

(d)     President :      Preside over the meetings of the respective committees, and look after the expansion of the Party and
      mass organisations under the jurisdiction of the committee.
 

(e)       Secretary :    Responsible for the maintainence and proper upkeep of the party records of the committee; workout and initiate discussion in the meetings on ideological-political tasks; prepare reports on their implementation.
 

(f)      Asstt. Secretary : Responsible for the sale and distribution of party literature and for the accounts of all the collections made by the Branch.
 

CENTRAL AND STATE CONTROL COMMISSION 

7.1      The All India Party Conference shall directly elect a Central Control Commission consisting of not more than five members. The Chairperson of the Central Control Commission will be an ex-officio member of the Central Committee.
 

7.2    The Control Commission shall take up :
 

(a)     Cases of disciplinary action referred to it by the Central Committee or Standing Committee;
 

(b)     Cases of appeal where disciplinary action has been taken by the State Committee;
 

(c)     Cases involving expulsion against which an appeal has been made to the State Committee or State Control Commission and rejected.
 

7.3     The detailed rules for the functioning of the Control Commission shall be framed by the Central Committee after consultation with the Control Commission. In the eventuality of a vacancy arising in the Central Control Commission between two Party Conference, the Central Committee shall have the right to fill the vacancy.
 

7.4     The State Conference may elect a State Control Commission to go into the cases of disciplinary action. In whichever State the State Control Comission is set up, the functions and authority will be similar to that of the Central Control Commission, but within its own State.
 

ARTICLE -VI
PARTY DISCIPLINE  

1     Discipline is indispensable for preserving and strengthening the unity of the Party, for enhancing its strength, its fighting ability and its prestige, and for enforcing the principles of democratic centralism. Without strict adherence to Party discipline, the Party cannot lead the masses in struggles and actions nor discharge its responsibility towards them.
 

2.     Discipline is based on conscious acceptance of the aims, the Programme and the policies of the Party. All members of the Party are equally bound by Party discipline irrespective
     of their status in the Party organisation or in public life.
 

3.     Violation of the Party Constitution and decisions of the Party as well as any other action and behaviours unworthy of a member of the Party shall constitute a breach of Party discipline and is liable to disciplinary action.
 

4.     The disciplinary actions are :
(a)     Warning;
(b)     Censure;
(c)     Public censure;
(d)     Removal from the post in the Party;
(e)    Suspension from full Party membership for any period but not exceeding one year;
(f)    Expulsion.
 

5.    Disciplinary action shall normally be taken where other methods, including methods of persuasion, have failed to correct the member concerned. But even where disciplinary measure has been taken, the efforts to help the member to correct himself/herself shall continue. In case where the breach of discipline is such that it warrants an immediate disciplinary measure to protect the interests of the Party or its prestige, the disciplinary action shall be taken promptly.
 

6.     Expulsion from the Party is the severest of all disciplinary measures and this shall be applied with utmost caution, deliberation and judgement.
 

7.     No disciplinary measure involving expulsion of a Party member shall come into effect without confirmation by the next higher committee. In case of expulsion, the penalised Party member shall be removed from all Party activities pending confirmation. The expelled member stands suspended from the Party till the expulsion is confirmed by the next higher committee. The higher committee will have to communicate its decision within six months.
 

8.     The member against whom a disciplinary measure is proposed shall be fully informed of the allegations, charges and other relevant facts against him or her. He or she shall have the right to be heard in person by the Party unit to which he or she belongs and shall have the right to submit his or her explanation to any other unit which takes action against him or her.
 

9.    When a member is simultaneously a member of two Party units, the lower unit can recommend disciplinary action against him or her but it shall not come into operation unless, accepted by his or her higher unit.
 

10.    Party members found to be strike-breakers, drunkards, moral degenerates, betrayers of Party confidence, guilty of grave financial corruption can be summarily suspended from Party membership and removed from all responsible positions in the Party by the Party unit to which he or she belongs or by a higher Party body, pending the issue of the
    charge-sheet to him/her and getting his/her explanation.
 

11.     There shall be right of appeal in all cases of disciplinary action.
 

12.    The Central, State or District Committee has the right to dissolve and appoint new committees or take disciplinary action against a lower committee in cases where a persistent defiance of Party decisions and policy, serious factionalism, or a breach of Party discipline is involved. But the State and District Committee will immediately report such action to the next higher committee for whatever action it deems necessary.
 

13.     In exceptional circumstances Party Committees in their discretion may resort to summary procedure in expelling
    members for grave anti-Party activities.
 

ARTICLE -VII
CONDUCT OF BUSINESS 

1.      The decision making business inside the Party at all levels shall strictly be governed by democratic norms and forms. Every decision shall invariably be the product of collective opinion expressed in unanimity or by majority of votes. None in the Party shall have a veto power.
 

2.      (a) In the case of regular meetings, the concerned secretary will have to give notice for the meeting, including its venue and date, well in time. In the case of Central Committee it may be at least 15 days, but for the lower level committees it may be 5 days.
 

(b)     In case of any emergency, the notice period can be reduced to two days.
 

3.    The minimum quoram for a meeting at all levels, will be 50%.
 

4.    Party Committees, at all levels can constitute sub-committes for specific tasks. The functioning of those sub-committees will be governed by these rules.
 

ARTICLE -VIII
FUNDS & ACCOUNTS 

1.    (a) The ultimate responsibility for the maintenence of Accounts of Party funds shall lie with the Central Committee. It will adopt the statement of Accounts, submitted to it by the Standing Committee, once a year.
 

(b)      The Party will open an account in a nationalised bank with an authorisation for operation by any two of the three authorised signatories elected by the respective committee.
 

(c)      Similar approach will be adopted for the Accounts at State and Distt. levels.
 

2.    The Party accounts, at all levels, will be maintained on accrual system.
 

3.    The Party  Funds will be utilised only for political activities and for physical infrastructure required to carry forward these activities.
 

4.    The Central Committee will get the Party Accounts audited annually by a Chartered Accountant and submit its report to the Election Commission of India, within six months after
     the end of each financial year.
 

ARTICLE -IX
AMENDMENTS & BYE-LAWS. 

1.     Amendments in the Party constitution can be made only by the All India Party Conference. The notice of proposals for such amendments shall have to be given to the Central Committee at least two months before  the said Conference.
 

2.     The Central Committee may frame rules & bye-laws under the Party constitution and in conformity with it.
 

ARTICLE -X
MERGER & DISSOLUTION 

1.     The Central Committee, with at least two third majority of its total members, can adopt a resolution for merging the Party with any other Left Party wedded to Marxism-Leninism or to dissolve the Party. In the case of dissolution, prior approval from at least half of the State Committees will be necessary. Thereafter, the resolution in this regard will has to be approved by the All India Party Conference.
 

ARTICLE -XI 

1.     The Revolutionary Marxist Party of India, here by, declares that :
 

(a)     The Party will hold periodic regular elections for all its committees and office bearers;
 

(b)     The Party will adhere to the principles of democracy,
     socialism and secularism as its basic tenants;
 

(c)     The Party will not, in any manner, promote or instigate or participate in violence;
 

(d)     The Party will hold periodic elections for all organs of the Party and for all the office bearers at least once within a period of 4 years.
 

(e)      The Party will invariably contest the elections conducted by the Election Commission of India, henceforth.
 

(f)        The Party will get its accounts audited annually, by a Chartered Accountant and submit its copy to the ECI within a period of six months after the end of each financial year.

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